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Jan 2025
9m 47s

Nawaf Salam: Steadfast in the Face of He...

Gino Raidy
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It’s been a tumultuous week for Lebanon. As Israel claimed the lives of 22 Lebanese civilians returning to their towns, areas previously under occupation were liberated with the support of the Lebanese Army. Notably absent during these events was Hezbollah, which remained silent as civilians and soldiers fell to Israeli gunfire. When Hezbollah operatives did finally emerge, it was under the cover of night—armed and chanting sectarian slogans—not at the frontlines, but in predominantly Christian and Sunni neighborhoods of Beirut, far from the reach of Israeli strikes. The usual, laughable "show of force," aimed at intimidating the Lebanese and invoking memories of Hezbollah’s past invasions—brutal displays meant to impose their will on everyone else through sheer aggression.

For those not paying close attention, it might seem like we’re back to square one—that despite everything Hezbollah has done, they’re still calling the shots. But those paying closer attention would have noticed the militia’s new leader, Naim Qassem, delivering a pre-recorded video in which he defiantly claimed they would never accept an extension to the ceasefire. The irony? The extension had already been agreed upon and is now set to last until February 18, 2025. It was a humiliating blunder that exposed two things: first, Qassem’s apparent fear of going live on air, and second, that Hezbollah’s influence over the ceasefire was nonexistent. The statement, clearly crafted for the gullible within their base, carried no weight for the rest of the country or the world. What an embarrassment. Whether they were genuinely unaware of the extension or deliberately lied, the laziness and incompetence of it all highlighted how weakened they’ve become—reduced to having someone as ineffectual as Naim Qassem at the helm.

Hezbollah’s Desparate Mindset and Tired Playbook

Imagine being Wafik Safa. Most of your colleagues have been killed, your organization is riddled with informants, and you’re so deeply infiltrated by Mossad that paranoia and desperation have become your constant companions. To make matters worse, your key ally, Assad, is holed up in a Moscow apartment, and the multi-billion-dollar Captagon trade you once relied on with him has evaporated. Meanwhile, Iran—your primary benefactor—is struggling to keep its own lights on. After pouring immense resources into Assad and Hezbollah, only to watch it all unravel in a matter of weeks, Hezbollah finds itself with few allies and an even more precarious cash flow.

This leaves Hezbollah with few options to salvage the unchecked power they once wielded over Lebanon—the very power that plunged the country so deeply into its current abyss. One of their tried-and-true tactics, which has often worked in the past, is intimidation—betting that the rest of Lebanon will be scared into compliance without the need for full-scale escalation. This playbook echoes their actions on May 7, 2008, and their attempted invasion of Tayyouneh to eliminate the judge investigating their stockpile of ammonium nitrate, which devastated Beirut on August 4, 2020. That attempt, however, was thwarted by the Lebanese Army under the command of now-President Joseph Aoun, marking a rare moment of resistance to their bullying tactics.

Just as they tried to mislead the public after failing to block Joseph Aoun’s election, and repeated the same playbook after their inability to stop Nawaf Salam’s appointment, Hezbollah is once again resorting to disinformation. Through their WhatsApp “news” groups, they’re spreading baseless rumors that they’ve secured concessions from Salam, claiming control over the finance ministry and a dominant share of five other ministries. This morning, Nawaf Salam swiftly debunked these claims on his Twitter account, just as he did last week before the Saudi Foreign Minister’s visit. Their strategy is clear: flood the narrative with lies, hoping to deflate people like you and me into despair, believing that public hopelessness will force leaders like Salam and Aoun to bend to their will.

But it hasn’t worked, and I know it won’t. They can no longer tighten their grip around Lebanon’s windpipe—not when their secretary general is so disconnected that he didn’t even realize Lebanon had already agreed to extend the ceasefire in the war Hezbollah recklessly instigated.

What Should We Do?

Hold the line. Don’t let Hezbollah’s worn-out playbook weaken your resolve for change and hope. Who would have thought we’d reach a point where they are forced to bow to our collective will for the first time—accepting a president and prime minister who are not their puppets? Their incompetence and prioritization of Iran’s agenda over Lebanon’s best interests have led to disastrous consequences, including the re-occupation of Lebanese land by Israel.

Take a moment to reflect: Naim Qassem either had no clue or pathetically denied the extension of the ceasefire. Meanwhile, unarmed civilians, supported by the Lebanese Army, managed to liberate more territory than Hezbollah ever could. Their so-called “elite” forces were squandered in a failed attempt to prop up the butcher Assad and his slaughterhouse regime in Homs—abandoning their own occupied towns in the process.

The sight of villagers and soldiers reclaiming territory—achieving what Hezbollah failed to do—clearly unnerved them. This is why they resorted to the same tired tactics, sending out the agitators who once beat women and children during the October 17, 2019 uprising. These armed, provocative sectarian thugs spoiled the powerful images of civilians and soldiers taking back towns and villages, all in a desperate bid to hold onto control of the finance ministry. Their aim? To continue siphoning public funds into their pockets—and into those of Nabih Berri and his wife. Don’t let them succeed. Change is within reach.

Have Faith and Do the Work

After weeks of radio silence, particularly following the fall of the Assad regime, Hezbollah’s influencers and electronic militias are back in full force. They celebrate when journalists—any not affiliated with Al Manar—are attacked, and deploy fake accounts to report, harass, and flood the comments of anyone who dares to express their desire for change or an end to Hezbollah’s hegemony.

Nawaf Salam and Joseph Aoun did not leave their distinguished careers to become mere concierges for Naim Qassem, who hides away producing outdated videos from his bunker. It’s crucial that we support them, reject Hezbollah’s pathetic disinformation campaigns, and continue holding them accountable for the devastation they’ve brought upon us. While they were busy killing Syrian civilians and manufacturing Captagon, they neglected their so-called resistance, leaving us to bear the consequences of their failure.

The tide has turned. Hezbollah may struggle to accept it, but we shouldn’t. This isn’t about a single moment of victory—it’s about the accumulation of wins. Their inability to force Lebanon to cede the Finance Ministry to them is one such win, and we cannot let their bullying tactics erase it. They are weak. They are desperate. Rewarding their desperation by caving to them would only compound the damage they’ve already inflicted—from Nasrallah’s laughable “Agricultural Jihad” to their disastrous “Support Front” for Gaza.

There is no going back. Hezbollah has two choices: return to its proper size, hand over its weapons to the Lebanese Army, and abide by the rule of law like the rest of us—or remain a diminished terrorist group, resorting to car bombs and assassinations. But this time, they will face Joseph Aoun and a Lebanese Army battle-tested against extremist groups.

Hezbollah, you have no allies left. You have no money left. It’s time to do the right thing. Stop being a bully and join the rest of us in rebuilding this country. Hold yourselves accountable—or we will.

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